By 1957 More Than 80 Percent of Families Had

Little Rock schools closed rather than allow integration. This 1958 photograph shows an African American high school girl watching schoolhouse lessons on television receiver. Library of Congress (LC-U9- 1525F-28).

*The American Yawp is an evolving, collaborative text. Please click here to improve this chapter.*

• I. Introduction
• II. The Rise of the Suburbs
• III. Race and Pedagogy
• IV. Ceremonious Rights in an Flush Society
• Five. Gender and Culture in the Affluent Gild
• VI. Politics and Credo in the Affluent Society
• Seven. Decision
• Eight. Main Sources
• Nine. Reference Material

I. Introduction

In 1958, Harvard economist and public intellectual John Kenneth Galbraith published The Flush Society. Galbraith's celebrated book examined America'due south new post–Earth State of war Ii consumer economy and political culture. While noting the unparalleled riches of American economic growth, it criticized the underlying structures of an economy dedicated only to increasing production and the consumption of goods. Galbraith argued that the U.Southward. economic system, based on an nearly hedonistic consumption of luxury products, would inevitably lead to economic inequality every bit private-sector interests enriched themselves at the expense of the American public. Galbraith warned that an economy where "wants are increasingly created by the process by which they are satisfied" was unsound, unsustainable, and, ultimately, immoral. "The Affluent Society," he said, was anything but.^one

While economists and scholars contend the merits of Galbraith's warnings and predictions, his analysis was so insightful that the championship of his book has come to serve every bit a set up characterization for postwar American society. In the two decades subsequently the finish of World War 2, the American economy witnessed massive and sustained growth that reshaped American culture through the abundance of consumer appurtenances. Standards of living—across all income levels—climbed to unparalleled heights and economical inequality plummeted.²

And notwithstanding, as Galbraith noted, the Affluent Society had fundamental flaws. The new consumer economic system that lifted millions of Americans into its burgeoning centre class also reproduced existing inequalities. Women struggled to merits equal rights as full participants in American guild. The poor struggled to win access to proficient schools, good healthcare, and proficient jobs. The same suburbs that gave middle-class Americans new space left cities withering in spirals of poverty and crime and caused irreversible ecological disruptions. The Jim Crow Due south tenaciously defended segregation, and Blackness Americans and other minorities suffered discrimination all across the land.

The contradictions of the Affluent Society defined the decade: unrivaled prosperity alongside persistent poverty, life-irresolute technological innovation alongside social and environmental devastation, expanded opportunity alongside entrenched discrimination, and new liberating lifestyles alongside a stifling conformity.

2. The Ascent of the Suburbs

The seeds of a suburban nation were planted in New Deal government programs. At the height of the Not bad Depression, in 1932, some 250,000 households lost their holding to foreclosure. A year later, half of all U.Southward. mortgages were in default. The foreclosure charge per unit stood at more than one 1000 per solar day. In response, FDR's New Deal created the Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC), which began purchasing and refinancing existing mortgages at risk of default. The HOLC introduced the amortized mortgage, allowing borrowers to pay dorsum interest and primary regularly over fifteen years instead of the so standard v-year mortgage that carried large airship payments at the end of the contract. The HOLC somewhen endemic nearly one of every five mortgages in America. Though homeowners paid more than for their homes nether this new organisation, home ownership was opened to the multitudes who could now gain residential stability, lower monthly mortgage payments, and accumulate wealth as property values rose over time.³

Additionally, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), another New Deal arrangement, increased access to dwelling buying by insuring mortgages and protecting lenders from financial loss in the event of a default. Lenders, still, had to agree to offer low rates and terms of upwards to twenty or thirty years. Fifty-fifty more consumers could afford homes. Though merely slightly more than a tertiary of homes had an FHA-backed mortgage by 1964, FHA loans had a ripple effect, with private lenders granting more and more than home loans even to non-FHA-backed borrowers. Authorities programs and subsidies similar the HOLC and the FHA fueled the growth of home buying and the rise of the suburbs.

Government spending during World War II pushed the U.s.a. out of the Depression and into an economic boom that would be sustained after the war by connected government spending. Government expenditures provided loans to veterans, subsidized corporate research and evolution, and built the interstate highway organisation. In the decades after Globe War 2, business boomed, unionization peaked, wages rose, and sustained growth buoyed a new consumer economy. The Servicemen'south Readjustment Human action (popularly known as the 1000.I. Bill), passed in 1944, offered depression-interest abode loans, a stipend to attend college, loans to start a business organization, and unemployment benefits.

The rapid growth of home ownership and the ascent of suburban communities helped bulldoze the postwar economic boom. Builders created sprawling neighborhoods of single-family homes on the outskirts of American cities. William Levitt built the first Levittown, the prototypical suburban customs, in 1946 in Long Island, New York. Purchasing large acreage, subdividing lots, and contracting crews to build endless homes at economies of scale, Levitt offered affordable suburban housing to veterans and their families. Levitt became the prophet of the new suburbs, and his model of big-scale suburban development was duplicated past developers across the land. The country'southward suburban share of the population rose from 19.5 percent in 1940 to 30.7 percent by 1960. Home ownership rates rose from 44 percent in 1940 to almost 62 percentage in 1960. Between 1940 and 1950, suburban communities with more than than 10 m people grew 22.1 percent, and planned communities grew at an astonishing charge per unit of 126.1 per centum.^four As historian Lizabeth Cohen notes, these new suburbs "mushroomed in territorial size and the populations they harbored."^v Betwixt 1950 and 1970, America's suburban population nigh doubled to seventy-four million. Eighty-three percentage of all population growth occurred in suburban places.⁶

The postwar structure boom fed into countless industries. As manufacturers converted from war materials back to consumer appurtenances, and as the suburbs developed, apparatus and motorcar sales rose dramatically. Affluent with rising wages and wartime savings, homeowners also used newly created installment plans to buy new consumer goods at once instead of saving for years to brand major purchases. Credit cards, first issued in 1950, farther increased access to credit. No longer stymied by the Depression or wartime restrictions, consumers bought countless washers, dryers, refrigerators, freezers, and, all of a sudden, televisions. The percentage of Americans that owned at least one television increased from 12 percent in 1950 to more than than 87 percent in 1960. This new suburban economy too led to increased demand for automobiles. The per centum of American families owning cars increased from 54 percent in 1948 to 74 percent in 1959. Motor fuel consumption rose from some xx-two million gallons in 1945 to effectually fifty-nine million gallons in 1958.⁷

On the surface, the postwar economic smash turned America into a land of abundance. For advantaged buyers, loans had never been easier to obtain, consumer goods had never been more than accessible, single-family homes had never been so cheap, and well-paying jobs had never been more than abundant. "If you lot had a higher diploma, a night suit, and anything betwixt the ears," a businessman later recalled, "information technology was like an escalator; you but stood there and you moved upward."⁸ Only the escalator did not serve everyone. Beneath amass numbers, racial disparity, sexual discrimination, and economic inequality persevered, undermining many of the assumptions of an Affluent Society.

In 1939, real estate appraisers arrived in sunny Pasadena, California. Armed with elaborate questionnaires to evaluate the city's building weather, the appraisers were well versed in the policies of the HOLC. In i neighborhood, about structures were rated in "fair" repair, and appraisers noted a lack of "construction hazards or inundation threats." However, they ended that the area "is detrimentally affected by 10 possessor occupant Negro families." While "the Negroes are said to be of the improve class," the appraisers ended, "it seems inevitable that buying and property values will drift to lower levels."⁹

Wealth created past the booming economic system filtered through social structures with congenital-in privileges and prejudices. Just when many middle- and working-class white American families began their journey of upward mobility by moving to the suburbs with the help of government programs such as the FHA and the G.I. Bill, many African Americans and other racial minorities found themselves systematically shut out.

A wait at the relationship between federal organizations such as the HOLC, the FHA, and private banks, lenders, and existent estate agents tells the story of standardized policies that produced a segregated housing market. At the core of HOLC appraisement techniques, which reflected the existing practices of private existent estate agents, was the pernicious insistence that mixed-race and minority-dominated neighborhoods were credit risks. In partnership with local lenders and real manor agents, the HOLC created Residential Security Maps to identify high- and depression-risk-lending areas. People familiar with the local real manor marketplace filled out compatible surveys on each neighborhood. Relying on this information, the HOLC assigned every neighborhood a letter grade from A to D and a corresponding color lawmaking. The least secure, highest-risk neighborhoods for loans received a D grade and the colour scarlet. Banks limited loans in such "redlined" areas.¹⁰

Blackness communities in cities such equally Detroit, Chicago, Brooklyn, and Atlanta (mapped here) experienced redlining, the process by which banks and other organizations demarcated minority neighborhoods on a map with a red line. Doing so fabricated visible the areas they believed were unfit for their services, directly denying Black residents loans, but as well, indirectly, housing, groceries, and other necessities of mod life. National Archives.

Phrases similar subversive racial elements and racial hazards pervade the redlined-area clarification files of surveyors and HOLC officials. Los Angeles's Echo Park neighborhood, for instance, had concentrations of Japanese and African Americans and a "sprinkling of Russians and Mexicans." The HOLC security map and survey noted that the neighborhood's "adverse racial influences which are noticeably increasing inevitably presage lower values, rentals and a rapid subtract in residential desirability."^eleven

While the HOLC was a fairly short-lived New Deal agency, the influence of its security maps lived on in the FHA and Veterans Administration (VA), the latter of which dispensed One thousand.I. Beak–backed mortgages. Both of these government organizations, which reinforced the standards followed by individual lenders, refused to dorsum bank mortgages in "redlined" neighborhoods. On the one hand, FHA- and VA-backed loans were an enormous boon to those who qualified for them. Millions of Americans received mortgages that they otherwise would not have qualified for. Just FHA-backed mortgages were not available to all. Racial minorities could non get loans for belongings improvements in their own neighborhoods and were denied mortgages to purchase property in other areas for fear that their presence would extend the cherry line into a new customs. Levittown, the poster child of the new suburban America, only allowed whites to buy homes. Thus, FHA policies and private developers increased dwelling ownership and stability for white Americans while simultaneously creating and enforcing racial segregation.

The exclusionary structures of the postwar economy prompted protest from African Americans and other minorities who were excluded. Off-white housing, equal employment, consumer admission, and educational opportunity, for instance, all emerged equally priorities of a brewing civil rights movement. In 1948, the U.S. Supreme Court sided with African American plaintiffs and, in Shelley five. Kraemer, alleged racially restrictive neighborhood housing covenants—property deed restrictions barring sales to racial minorities—legally unenforceable. Discrimination and segregation continued, however, and activists would continue to push for fair housing practices.

During the 1950s and early 1960s many Americans retreated to the suburbs to enjoy the new consumer economic system and search for some normalcy and security after the instability of depression and state of war. But many could non. Information technology was both the limits and opportunities of housing, and so, that shaped the contours of postwar American order. Moreover, the postwar suburban nail not only exacerbated racial and class inequalities, it precipitated a major environmental crisis.

The introduction of mass production techniques in housing wrought ecological devastation. Developers sought cheaper land ever farther mode from urban cores, wrecking havoc on particularly sensitive lands such every bit wetlands, hills, and floodplains. "A territory roughly the size of Rhode Island," historian Adam Rome wrote, "was bulldozed for urban development" every year.¹² Innovative construction strategies, authorities incentives, high consumer demand, and low free energy prices all pushed builders away from more than sustainable, free energy-conserving building projects. Typical postwar tract-houses were difficult to absurd in the summer and heat in the winter. Many were equipped with malfunctioning septic tanks that polluted local groundwater. Such destructiveness did not go unnoticed. Past the time Rachel Carson publishedSilent Spring,a forceful denunciation of the excessive apply of pesticides such as Dichloro-diphenyl-trichloroethane in agricultural and domestic settings, in 1962, many Americans were already primed to receive her bulletin. Stories of kitchen faucets spouting detergent foams and children playing in effluents brought the point abode: comfort and convenience did non accept to come at such cost. And yet most of the Americans who joined the early on environmentalist crusades of the 1950s and 1960s rarely questioned the foundations of the suburban ideal. Americans increasingly relied upon automobiles and idealized the unmarried-family unit habitation, blunting any major button to shift prevailing patterns of land and energy employ.¹³

Three. Race and Pedagogy

School desegregation was a tense experience for all involved, merely none more so than the African American students who integrated white schools. The Footling Rock Nine were the starting time to do then in Arkansas. Their escorts, the 101st Airborne Division of the U.S. Army, protected students who took that first step in 1957. Wikimedia.

Older battles over racial exclusion also confronted postwar American society. One long-simmering struggle targeted segregated schooling. In 1896, the Supreme Court alleged the principle of "separate but equal" constitutional. Segregated schooling, however, was rarely "equal": in practise, Black Americans, particularly in the Southward, received fewer funds, attended inadequate facilities, and studied with substandard materials. African Americans' boxing confronting educational inequality stretched across half a century before the Supreme Court over again took upward the merits of "separate only equal."

On May 17, 1954, later on 2 years of argument, re-argument, and deliberation, Chief Justice Earl Warren announced the Supreme Courtroom'due south decision on segregated schooling in Brownish v. Board of Education (1954). The court found by a unanimous 9–0 vote that racial segregation violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The court's decision declared, "Dissever educational facilities are inherently unequal." "Separate but equal" was made unconstitutional.¹⁴

Decades of African American–led litigation, local agitation against racial inequality, and liberal Supreme Court justices made Brown possible. In the early 1930s, the NAACP began a concerted effort to erode the legal underpinnings of segregation in the American South. Legal, or de jure, segregation subjected racial minorities to discriminatory laws and policies. Law and custom in the South hardened antiblack restrictions. But through a series of carefully chosen and contested court cases concerning pedagogy, disfranchisement, and jury selection, NAACP lawyers such as Charles Hamilton Houston, Robert L. Clark, and hereafter Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall undermined Jim Crow's constitutional underpinnings. These attorneys initially sought to demonstrate that states systematically failed to provide African American students "equal" resources and facilities, and thus failed to live up to Plessy. By the late 1940s activists began to more forcefully challenge the assumptions that "separate" was constitutional at all.

The NAACP was a key organization in the fight to end legalized racial discrimination. In this 1956 photograph, NAACP leaders, including Thurgood Marshall, who would become the first African American Supreme Court Justice, concur a poster decrying racial bias in Mississippi in 1956. Library of Congress.

Though remembered as just one lawsuit, Brown five. Lath of Didactics consolidated five separate cases that had originated in the southeastern Usa: Briggs v. Elliott (S Carolina), Davis v. County School Lath of Prince Edward County (Virginia), Beulah v. Belton (Delaware), Bolling v. Sharpe (Washington, D.C.), and Brown v. Board of Education (Kansas). Working with local activists already involved in desegregation fights, the NAACP purposely chose cases with a diverse set of local backgrounds to show that segregation was non just an issue in the Deep South, and that a sweeping judgment on the fundamental constitutionality of Plessy was needed.

Briggs v. Elliott, the kickoff case accepted by the NAACP, illustrated the plight of segregated Black schools. Briggs originated in rural Clarendon County, Southward Carolina, where taxpayers in 1950 spent $179 to brainwash each white educatee and $43 for each Black student. The district'southward twelve white schools were cumulatively worth $673,850; the value of its 60-ane Black schools (more often than not dilapidated, overcrowded shacks) was $194,575.¹⁵ While Briggs underscored the Southward's failure to follow Plessy, the Brownish suit focused less on material disparities between Black and white schools (which were significantly less than in places like Clarendon Canton) and more on the social and spiritual degradation that accompanied legal segregation. This case cut to the basic question of whether "separate" was itself inherently unequal. The NAACP said the two notions were incompatible. Every bit one witness earlier the U.South. Commune Court of Kansas said, "The entire colored race is craving low-cal, and the just way to reach the calorie-free is to start [blackness and white] children together in their infancy and they come up together."^sixteen

To make its instance, the NAACP marshaled historical and social scientific evidence. The Court plant the historical bear witness inconclusive and drew their ruling more heavily from the NAACP'southward argument that segregation psychologically damaged Black children. To make this statement, association lawyers relied on social scientific evidence, such as the famous doll experiments of Kenneth and Mamie Clark. The Clarks demonstrated that while young white girls would naturally choose to play with white dolls, young Blackness girls would, too. The Clarks argued that Black children's aesthetic and moral preference for white dolls demonstrated the pernicious effects and self-loathing produced past segregation.

Identifying and denouncing injustice, though, is different from rectifying information technology. Though Brown repudiated Plessy, the Court'south orders did not extend to segregation in places other than public schools and, fifty-fifty then, to preserve a unanimous decision for such an historically important case, the justices gear up aside the divisive yet essential question of enforcement. Their infamously ambiguous gild in 1955 (what came to exist known as Brown II) that school districts desegregate "with all deliberate speed" was and then vague and ineffectual that information technology left the actual business of desegregation in the hands of those who opposed it.

In 1959, photographer John Bledsoe captured this epitome of the crowd on the steps of the Arkansas state capitol building protesting the federally mandated integration of Little Rock'south Central High School. This image shows how worries about desegregation were bound upwardly with other concerns, such as the reach of communism and government power. Library of Congress.

In most of the Due south, besides as the rest of the country, school integration did not occur on a broad scale until well after Dark-brown. Only in the 1964 Civil Rights Act did the federal authorities finally implement some enforcement of the Chocolate-brown determination by threatening to withhold funding from recalcitrant school districts, only even so southern districts found loopholes. Courtroom decisions such as Light-green v. New Kent County (1968) and Alexander v. Holmes (1969) finally airtight some of those loopholes, such every bit "liberty of selection" plans, to compel some mensurate of actual integration.

When Brownish finally was enforced in the Southward, the quantitative impact was staggering. In 1968, 14 years afterward Brownish, some 80 percent of schoolhouse-age Black southerners remained in schools that were xc to 100 pct nonwhite. By 1972, though, merely 25 per centum were in such schools, and 55 percent remained in schools with a simple nonwhite minority. By many measures, the public schools of the South became, ironically, the most integrated in the nation.¹⁷

As a landmark moment in American history, Dark-brown's significance possibly lies less in immediate tangible changes—which were dull, fractional, and inseparable from a much longer concatenation of events—than in the idealism it expressed and the momentum it created. The nation's highest court had attacked one of the fundamental supports of Jim Crow segregation and offered ramble cover for the creation of i of the greatest social movements in American history.

IV. Ceremonious Rights in an Affluent Society

This segregated drinking fountain was located on the grounds of the Halifax Canton courthouse in North Carolina. Photo, April 1938. Wikimedia.

Education was just i aspect of the nation's Jim Crow machinery. African Americans had been fighting against a variety of racist policies, cultures, and beliefs in all aspects of American life. And while the struggle for Black inclusion had few victories before Earth State of war Ii, the war and the Double V entrada for victory against fascism abroad and racism at domicile, equally well as the postwar economic boom led, to rising expectations for many African Americans. When persistent racism and racial segregation undercut the hope of economic and social mobility, African Americans began mobilizing on an unprecedented calibration against the diverse discriminatory social and legal structures.

While many of the civil rights move's most memorable and of import moments, such equally the sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, and particularly the March on Washington, occurred in the 1960s, the 1950s were a significant decade in the sometimes tragic, sometimes triumphant march of ceremonious rights in the Usa. In 1953, years before Rosa Parks'southward iconic confrontation on a Montgomery city bus, an African American adult female named Sarah Keys publicly challenged segregated public transportation. Keys, then serving in the Women'southward Army Corps, traveled from her army base of operations in New Jersey back to N Carolina to visit her family. When the double-decker stopped in North Carolina, the driver asked her to surrender her seat for a white customer. Her refusal to do so landed her in jail in 1953 and led to a landmark 1955 decision, Sarah Keys v. Carolina Coach Company, in which the Interstate Commerce Commission ruled that "separate just equal" violated the Interstate Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution. Poorly enforced, it nevertheless gave legal coverage for the Liberty Riders years later and motivated further assaults against Jim Crow.

But if some events encouraged ceremonious rights workers with the promise of progress, others were so savage they convinced activists that they could do zippo but resist. In the summer of 1955, two white men in Mississippi kidnapped and brutally murdered xiv-year-old Emmett Till. Till, visiting from Chicago and mayhap unfamiliar with the "etiquette" of Jim Crow, allegedly whistled at a white woman named Carolyn Bryant. Her husband, Roy Bryant, and another man, J. Due west. Milam, abducted Till from his relatives' home, beat him, mutilated him, shot him, and threw his body in the Tallahatchie River. Emmett's female parent held an open-casket funeral so that Till's disfigured trunk could brand national news. The men were brought to trial. The evidence was damning, but an all-white jury constitute the two not guilty. Mere months later the decision, the two boasted of their crime, in all of its brutal particular, in Look mag. "They ain't gonna get to school with my kids," Milam said. They wanted "to make an example of [Till]—just so everybody can know how me and my folks stand."¹⁸ The Till example became an indelible memory for the young Black men and women soon to propel the ceremonious rights movement frontwards.

On December 1, 1955, iv months after Till's expiry and vi days after the Keys v. Carolina Double-decker Company conclusion, Rosa Parks refused to surrender her seat on a Montgomery city motorbus and was arrested. Montgomery's public transportation organization had longstanding rules requiring African American passengers to sit in the back of the bus and to give upward their seats to white passengers if the buses filled. Parks was non the first to protest the policy past staying seated, but she was the start effectually whom Montgomery activists rallied.

Montgomery'southward Black population, nether the leadership of local ministers and civil rights workers, formed the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) and coordinated an organized boycott of the city'south buses. The Montgomery Jitney Boycott lasted from December 1955 until December twenty, 1956, when the Supreme Court ordered their integration. The cold-shoulder non only crushed segregation in Montgomery's public transportation, it energized the entire civil rights motility and established the leadership of the MIA's president, a recently arrived, twenty-six-year-old Baptist government minister named Martin Luther King Jr.

Motivated by the success of the Montgomery boycott, Rex and other African American leaders looked to continue the fight. In 1957, King helped create the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) to coordinate civil rights groups across the South and buoy their efforts organizing and sustaining boycotts, protests, and other assaults against southern Jim Crow laws.

As pressure built, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1957, the outset such measure passed since Reconstruction. The act was compromised away nearly to zip, although information technology did achieve some gains, such as creating the Department of Justice's Ceremonious Rights Commission, which was charged with investigating claims of racial discrimination. And yet, despite its weakness, the act signaled that pressure level was finally mounting on Americans to confront the legacy of discrimination.

Despite successes at both the local and national level, the civil rights movement faced bitter opposition. Those opposed to the movement often used violent tactics to scare and intimidate African Americans and subvert legal rulings and court orders. For instance, a year into the Montgomery bus boycott, angry white southerners bombed four African American churches also as the homes of King and fellow civil rights leader Due east. D. Nixon. Though Rex, Nixon, and the MIA persevered in the face up of such violence, information technology was only a taste of things to come. Such unremitting hostility and violence left the outcome of the burgeoning civil rights motion in dubiety. Despite its successes, civil rights activists looked dorsum on the 1950s equally a decade of mixed results and incomplete accomplishments. While the jitney cold-shoulder, Supreme Court rulings, and other civil rights activities signaled progress, church building bombings, death threats, and stubborn legislators demonstrated the distance that all the same needed to be traveled.

Five. Gender and Civilization in the Flush Lodge

As shown in this 1958 advertizement for a "Westinghouse with Common cold Injector," a midcentury marketing frenzy targeted female consumers by touting technological innovations designed to make housework easier. Westinghouse.

America'southward consumer economy reshaped how Americans experienced culture and shaped their identities. The Affluent Society gave Americans new experiences, new outlets, and new ways to understand and collaborate with one another.

"The American household is on the threshold of a revolution," the New York Times declared in August 1948. "The reason is idiot box."¹⁹ Television was presented to the American public at the New York Earth'due south Fair in 1939, only commercialization of the new medium in the Us lagged during the war years. In 1947, though, regular total-scale broadcasting became available to the public. Tv was instantly popular, so much so that by early 1948 Newsweek reported that information technology was "catching on like a instance of high-toned scarlet fever."²⁰ Indeed, betwixt 1948 and 1955 close to two thirds of the nation's households purchased a tv. By the finish of the 1950s, 90 percent of American families had one and the average viewer was tuning in for almost v hours a day.²¹

The technological ability to transmit images via radio waves gave nascence to idiot box. Television borrowed radio's organizational construction, too. The large radio broadcasting companies—NBC, CBS, and the American Broadcasting Corporation (ABC)—used their technical expertise and capital reserves to conquer the airwaves. They acquired licenses to local stations and eliminated their few independent competitors. The refusal of the Federal Communication Commission (FCC) to effect whatsoever new licenses betwixt 1948 and 1955 was a de facto endorsement of the big three'due south stranglehold on the market.

In add-on to replicating radio's organizational structure, idiot box as well looked to radio for content. Many of the early on programs were adaptations of popular radio variety and comedy shows, including The Ed Sullivan Show and Milton Berle's Texaco Star Theater. These were accompanied by live plays, dramas, sports, and situation comedies. Because of the toll and difficulty of recording, near programs were broadcast live, forcing stations across the country to air shows at the same fourth dimension. And since audiences had a limited number of channels to cull from, viewing experiences were broadly shared. More than two thirds of tv set-owning households, for instance, watched pop shows such every bit I Dear Lucy.

The limited number of channels and programs meant that networks selected programs that appealed to the widest possible audition to draw viewers and advertisers, television set's greatest financers. By the mid-1950s, an hour of primetime programming cost almost $150,000 (well-nigh $ane.5 million in today's dollars) to produce. This proved too expensive for most commercial sponsors, who began turning to a joint financing model of thirty-2d spot ads. The need to appeal to every bit many people as possible promoted the product of noncontroversial shows aimed at the entire family. Programs such as Father Knows Best and Exit it to Beaver featured lite topics, sense of humor, and a guaranteed happy ending the whole family could enjoy.²²

Advert was everywhere in the 1950s, including on Television set shows such as the quiz bear witness Twenty One, sponsored by Geritol, a dietary supplement. Library of Congress.

Tv set'due south wide entreatment, however, was most more than money and entertainment. Shows of the 1950s, such as Male parent Knows All-time and I Love Lucy, arcadian the nuclear family unit, "traditional" gender roles, and white, middle-grade domesticity. Leave It to Beaver, which became the prototypical case of the 1950s idiot box family, depicted its breadwinner father and homemaker mother guiding their children through life lessons. Such shows, and Cold State of war America more broadly, reinforced a popular consensus that such lifestyles were not just beneficial simply the most effective way to safeguard American prosperity against communist threats and social "deviancy."

Postwar prosperity facilitated, and in turn was supported by, the ongoing postwar babe boom. From 1946 to 1964, American fertility experienced an unprecedented spike. A century of declining birth rates abruptly reversed. Although pop retention credits the cause of the baby blast to the return of virile soldiers from battle, the real story is more nuanced. After years of economic depression, families were now wealthy plenty to back up larger families and had homes large enough to accommodate them, while women married younger and American culture celebrated the ideal of a large, insular family unit.

Underlying this "reproductive consensus" was the new cult of professionalism that pervaded postwar American culture, including the professionalization of homemaking. Mothers and fathers alike flocked to the experts for their opinions on marriage, sexuality, and, most peculiarly, child-rearing. Psychiatrists held an nigh mythic status equally people took their opinions and prescriptions, besides as their vocabulary, into their everyday life. Books like Dr. Spock'southward Infant and Kid Care (1946) were diligently studied by women who took their career every bit housewife equally just that: a career, complete with all the demands and professional trappings of chore development and training. And since most women had multiple children roughly the same age as their neighbors' children, a cultural obsession with kids flourished throughout the era. Women bore the burden of this force per unit area, chided if they did not give plenty of their time to the children—especially if it was because of a career—yet cautioned that spending also much time would atomic number 82 to "Momism," producing "sissy" boys who would be incapable of contributing to society and extremely susceptible to the communist threat.

A new youth culture exploded in American popular culture. On the ane hand, the anxieties of the diminutive age hit America's youth particularly difficult. Keenly enlightened of the discontent bubbling below the surface of the Affluent Society, many youth embraced rebellion. The 1955 pic Rebel Without a Cause demonstrated the restlessness and emotional incertitude of the postwar generation raised in increasing affluence all the same increasingly unsatisfied with their comfortable lives. At the same time, perhaps yearning for something beyond the "massification" of American civilisation yet having few other options to turn to beyond popular civilisation, American youth embraced rock 'due north' coil. They listened to Little Richard, Buddy Holly, and peculiarly Elvis Presley (whose sexually suggestive hip movements were judged subversive).

The popularity of stone 'due north' roll had non yet blossomed into the countercultural musical revolution of the coming decade, but information technology provided a magnet for teenage restlessness and rebellion. "Television and Elvis," the musician Bruce Springsteen recollected, "gave us full access to a new linguistic communication, a new class of communication, a new way of existence, a new mode of looking, a new way of thinking; nearly sex, about race, most identity, nearly life; a new way of existence an American, a human being; and a new way of hearing music." American youth had seen and then fiddling of Elvis's energy and sensuality elsewhere in their culture. "Once Elvis came across the airwaves," Springsteen said, "once he was heard and seen in activeness, you could non put the genie dorsum in the bottle. Afterward that moment, there was yesterday, and there was today, and there was a blood-red hot, rockabilly forging of a new tomorrow, before your very eyes."²³

While many Black musicians such every bit Chuck Berry helped pioneer rock 'n' roll, white artists such equally Elvis Presley brought information technology into the mainstream American culture. Elvis's skillful looks, sensual dancing, and sonorous vox stole the hearts of millions of American teenage girls, who were at that moment becoming a central segment of the consumer population. Wikimedia.

Other Americans took larger steps to decline the expected conformity of the Affluent Society. The writers, poets, and musicians of the Beat Generation, disillusioned with commercialism, consumerism, and traditional gender roles, sought a deeper significant in life. Beats traveled beyond the state, studied Eastern religions, and experimented with drugs, sexual activity, and art.

Backside the scenes, Americans were challenging sexual mores. The gay rights movement, for example, stretched back into the Affluent Gild. While the country proclaimed homosexuality a mental disorder, gay men established the Mattachine Gild in Los Angeles and gay women formed the Daughters of Bilitis in San Francisco as support groups. They held meetings, distributed literature, provided legal and counseling services, and formed chapters across the country. Much of their work, however, remained secretive because homosexuals risked arrest and corruption if discovered.²⁴

Lodge'southward "consensus," on everything from the consumer economy to gender roles, did not go unchallenged. Much discontent was channeled through the car itself: advertisers sold rebellion no less than they sold blistering soda. And nonetheless others were rejecting the old ways, choosing new lifestyles, challenging old hierarchies, and embarking on new paths.

VI. Politics and Ideology in the Affluent Social club

Postwar economic prosperity and the creation of new suburban spaces inevitably shaped American politics. In stark dissimilarity to the Great Low, the new prosperity renewed conventionalities in the superiority of capitalism, cultural conservatism, and religion.

In the 1930s, the economical ravages of the international economic ending knocked the legs out from under the intellectual justifications for keeping government out of the economy. And all the same pockets of true believers kept alive the gospel of the free market. The single most important was the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM). In the midst of the depression, NAM reinvented itself and went on the offensive, initiating advertizing campaigns supporting "free enterprise" and "The American Manner of Life."²⁵ More importantly, NAM became a node for business organization leaders, such equally J. Howard Pew of Sun Oil and Jasper Crane of DuPont Chemical Co., to network with like-minded individuals and take the bulletin of free enterprise to the American people. The network of business leaders that NAM brought together in the midst of the Nifty Depression formed the fiscal, organizational, and ideological underpinnings of the free market advocacy groups that emerged and found gear up adherents in America's new suburban spaces in the postwar decades.

One of the about of import advancement groups that sprang upwardly afterward the war was Leonard Read'south Foundation for Economic Didactics (FEE). Read founded FEE in 1946 on the premise that "The American Way of Life" was substantially individualistic and that the best style to protect and promote that individualism was through libertarian economics. Libertarianism took as its cadre principle the promotion of individual liberty, property rights, and an economy with a minimum of regime regulation. FEE, whose informational lath and supporters came generally from the NAM network of Pew and Crane, became a key ideological factory, supplying businesses, service clubs, churches, schools, and universities with a steady stream of libertarian literature, much of information technology authored by Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises.²⁶

Shortly later FEE'south formation, Austrian economist and libertarian intellectual Friedrich Hayek founded the Mont Pelerin Society (MPS) in 1947. The MPS brought together libertarian intellectuals from both sides of the Atlantic to challenge Keynesian economics—the ascendant notion that government fiscal and monetary policy were necessary economic tools—in academia. Academy of Chicago economist Milton Friedman became its president. Friedman (and his Chicago School of Economic science) and the MPS became some of the virtually influential complimentary market advocates in the world and helped legitimize for many the libertarian ideology so successfully evangelized by FEE, its descendant organizations, and libertarian popularizers such as the novelist Ayn Rand.²⁷

Libertarian politics and evangelical faith were shaping the origins of a new conservative, suburban constituency. Suburban communities' distance from government and other top-downwardly customs-building mechanisms—despite relying on government subsidies and regime programs—left a social void that evangelical churches eagerly filled. More oft than non the theology and ideology of these churches reinforced socially bourgeois views while simultaneously reinforcing congregants' conventionalities in economic individualism. Novelist Ayn Rand, meanwhile, whose novels The Fountainhead (1943) and Atlas Shrugged (1957) were two of the decades' all-time sellers, helped motion the ideas of individualism, "rational self-interest," and "the virtue of selfishness" outside the halls of business and academia and into suburbia. The ethos of individualism became the edifice blocks for a new political movement. And yet, while the growing suburbs and their brewing conservative credo eventually proved immensely of import in American political life, their impact was not immediately felt. They did not yet take a champion.

In the post–Globe War 2 years the Republican Party faced a fork in the road. Its consummate lack of electoral success since the Low led to a battle within the party nearly how to revive its electoral prospects. The more than conservative faction, represented by Ohio senator Robert Taft (son of erstwhile president William Howard Taft) and backed past many party activists and financiers such as J. Howard Pew, sought to take the party further to the right, especially in economic matters, by rolling back New Bargain programs and policies. On the other hand, the more moderate wing of the political party, led by men such as New York governor Thomas Dewey and Nelson Rockefeller, sought to embrace and reform New Bargain programs and policies. At that place were farther disagreements among party members about how involved the United States should exist in the world. Issues such as strange assist, collective security, and how all-time to fight communism divided the party.

Just like the internet, don't e'er trust what you read in newspapers. This obviously wrong banner from the front page of the Chicago Daily Tribune on November 3, 1948 made its own headlines equally the newspaper's almost embarrassing gaff. Photograph, 1948. http://media-2.spider web.britannica.com/eb-media/14/65214-050-D86AAA4E.jpg. Undated portrait of President Harry Due south. Truman. National Athenaeum.

Initially, the moderates, or "liberals," won control of the political party with the nomination of Thomas Dewey in 1948. Dewey's shocking loss to Truman, however, emboldened conservatives, who rallied around Taft as the 1952 presidential primaries approached. With the bourgeois banner riding high in the political party, General Dwight Eisenhower ("Ike"), virtually recently Due north Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) supreme commander, felt obliged to join the race in order to beat dorsum the conservatives and "prevent one of our corking two Parties from adopting a grade which could atomic number 82 to national suicide." In improver to his fear that Taft and the conservatives would undermine collective security arrangements such every bit NATO, he also berated the "neanderthals" in his political party for their anti–New Deal stance. Eisenhower felt that the best fashion to finish communism was to undercut its entreatment by alleviating the atmospheric condition under which it was most attractive. That meant supporting New Deal programs. There was also a political calculus to Eisenhower'due south position. He observed, "Should any party attempt to cancel social security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history."²⁸

The primary contest between Taft and Eisenhower was close and controversial. Taft supporters claimed that Eisenhower stole the nomination from Taft at the convention. Eisenhower, attempting to placate the conservatives in his political party, picked California congressman and virulent anticommunist Richard Nixon every bit his running mate. With the Republican nomination sewn upward, the immensely popular Eisenhower swept to victory in the 1952 general election, easily besting Truman's hand-picked successor, Adlai Stevenson. Eisenhower's popularity boosted Republicans across the country, leading them to majorities in both houses of Congress.

The Republican sweep in the 1952 election, owing in office to Eisenhower'south popularity, translated into few tangible legislative accomplishments. Within two years of his election, the moderate Eisenhower saw his legislative proposals routinely defeated by an unlikely alliance of bourgeois Republicans, who thought Eisenhower was going too far, and liberal Democrats, who idea he was not going far plenty. For instance, in 1954 Eisenhower proposed a national healthcare programme that would take provided federal support for increasing healthcare coverage beyond the nation without getting the government direct involved in regulating the healthcare industry. The proposal was defeated in the house past a 238–134 vote with a swing bloc of seventy-five conservative Republicans joining liberal Democrats voting against the plan.²⁹ Eisenhower'due south proposals in education and agriculture often suffered similar defeats. By the end of his presidency, Ike's domestic legislative achievements were largely limited to expanding social security; making Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) a cabinet position; passing the National Defense Teaching Act; and bolstering federal support to education, specially in math and science.

Equally with any president, however, Eisenhower's touch on was bigger than just legislation. Ike'southward "middle of the road" philosophy guided his strange policy as much as his domestic agenda. He sought to keep the United States from direct interventions abroad by bolstering anticommunist and procapitalist allies. Ike funneled money to the French in Vietnam fighting the Ho Chi Minh–led communists, walked a tight line between helping Chiang Kai-Shek'southward Taiwan without overtly provoking Mao Zedong's Communist china, and materially backed groups that destabilized "unfriendly" governments in Iran and Guatemala. The centerpiece of Ike's Soviet policy, meanwhile, was the threat of "massive retaliation," or the threat of nuclear force in the face of communist expansion, thereby checking Soviet expansion without directly American involvement. While Ike'due south "mainstream" "middle way" won wide popular support, his own party was slowly moving away from his positions. By 1964 the political party had moved far plenty to the right to nominate Arizona senator Barry Goldwater, the well-nigh bourgeois candidate in a generation. The political moderation of the Affluent Order proved petty more than a mode station on the road to liberal reforms and a more than distant bourgeois clout.

VII. Conclusion

The postwar American "consensus" held great hope. Despite the looming threat of nuclear war, millions experienced an unprecedented prosperity and an increasingly proud American identity. Prosperity seemed to promise ever higher standards of living. Merely things barbarous apart, and the centre could non hold: wracked by contradiction, dissent, bigotry, and inequality, the Affluent Society stood on the precipice of revolution.

Viii. Primary Sources

1. Migrant Farmers and Immigrant Labor (1952)

During the labor shortages of World War 2, the United states of america' launched the Bracero ("laborer") program to bring Mexican laborers into the Usa. The programme continued into the 1960s and brought more a million workers into the The states on brusque-term contracts. Undocumented immigration continued, nonetheless. Congress held hearings and, in the pick below, a migrant worker named Juanita Garcia testifies to Congress about the situation in California's Imperial Valley. Get-go in 1954, Dwight Eisenhower's administration oversaw, with the cooperation of the Mexican government, "Operation Wetback," which empowered to the Edge Patrol to crack down upon illegal clearing.

ii. Hernandez v. Texas (1954)

Pete Hernandez, a migrant worker, was tried for the murder of his employer, Joe Espinosa, in Edna, Texas, in 1950. Hernandez was convicted past an all-white jury. His lawyers appealed. They argued that Hernandez was entitled to a jury "of his peers" and that systematic exclusion of Mexican Americans violated constitutional law. In a unanimous decision, the United states of america Supreme Court ruled that Mexican Americans—and all "classes"—were entitled to the "equal protection" articulated in the Fourteenth Amendment.

3. Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954)

In 1896, the United States Supreme Court declared inPlessy 5. Fergusonthat the doctrine of "dissever but equal" was constitutional. In 1954, the United States Supreme Court overturned that decision and

4. Richard Nixon on the American Standard of Living (1959)

As Cold State of war tensions eased, exhibitions allowed for Americans and Soviets to survey the other'southward culture and mode of life. In 1959, the Russians held an exhibition in New York, and the Americans in Moscow. A videotaped discussion between Vice President Richard Nixon and Soviet Premier Nikita Kruschev, the so-called "Kitchen Argue," won Richard Nixon acclamation at home for his articulate defence force of the American standard of living. In the following excerpt from July 24, 1959, Nixon opened the American Exhibition in Moscow.

5. John F. Kennedy on the Separation of Church and Land (1960)

American Anti-Catholicism had softened in the aftermath of World War II, merely no Catholic had e'er been elected president and Protestant Americans had long been suspicious of Catholic politicians when John F. Kennedy ran for the presidency in 1960. (Al Smith, the first Catholic presidential candidate, was roundly defeated in 1928 attributable in large part to pop anti-Catholic prejudice). On September 12, 1960, Kennedy addressed the Greater Houston Ministerial Association and he non but allayed pop fears of his Catholic organized religion, he delivered a seminal statement on the separation of church and state.

vi. Congressman Arthur L. Miller Gives "the Putrid Facts" About Homosexuality (1950)

In 1950, Representative Arthur Fifty. Miller, a Nebraska Republican, offered an amendment to a neb requiring background checks for employees of the Economic Cooperation Administration (ECA). Miller proposed to bar homosexuals from working with the ECA. Although his amendment was rejected, his views of homosexuality revealed much about postwar American views.

vii. Rosa Parks on Life in Montgomery, Alabama (1956-1958)

In this unfinished correspondence and undated personal notes, Rosa Parks recounted living nether segregation in Montgomery, Alabama, explained why she refused to surrender her seat on a city bus, and lamented the psychological cost exacted by Jim Crow.

8. Trivial Rock Rally (1959)

In 1959, lensman John Bledsoe captured this paradigm of the crowd on the steps of the Arkansas state capitol building, protesting the federally mandated integration of Little Rock'southward Primal High School. This image shows how worries about desegregation were bound upwards with other concerns, such as the reach of communism and government power.

9. "In the Suburbs" (1957)

Redbook made this movie to convince advertisers that the magazine would help them attract the white suburban consumers they desired.  The "happy go spending, buy information technology now, immature adults of today" are depicted by the film equally flocking to the suburbs to escape global and urban turmoil. Redbook Mag, "In The Suburbs" (1957). Via The Internet Archive.

Ix. Reference Cloth

This chapter was edited by James McKay, with content contributions by Edwin C. Breeden, Aaron Cowan, Elsa Devienne, Maggie Flamingo, Destin Jenkins, Kyle Livie, Jennifer Mandel, James McKay, Laura Redford, Ronny Regev, and Tanya Roth.

Recommended commendation: Edwin C. Breeden et al., "The Cold War," James McKay, ed., in The American Yawp, eds. Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

Recommended Reading

• Boyle, Kevin. The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 1945–1968. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Academy Printing, 1995.
• Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954–1963. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988.
• Brown, Kate. Plutopia: Nuclear Families, Atomic Cities, and the Great Soviet and American Plutonium Disasters. New York: Oxford Academy Press, 2013.
• Brownish-Nagin, Tomiko. Courage to Dissent: Atlanta and the Long History of the Civil Rights Movement. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.
• Cohen, Lizabeth. A Consumer's Commonwealth: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America. New York: Knopf, 2003.
• Coontz, Stephanie. The Fashion We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trap. New York: Bones Books, 1993.
• Dudziak, Mary. Cold War Ceremonious Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Printing, 2002.
• Fried, Richard G. Nightmare in Ruddy: The McCarthy Era in Perspective. New York: Oxford University Printing, 1990.
• Grisinger, Joanna. The Unwieldy American State: Authoritative Politics Since the New Deal. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Academy Printing, 2012.
• Hernández, Kelly Lytle. Migra! A History of the U.Due south. Border Patrol. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010.
• Horowitz, Daniel. Betty Friedan and the Making of the Feminine Mystique: The American Left, the Cold War, and Modernistic Feminism. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Printing, 1998.
• Jackson, Kenneth T. Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the U.s.a.. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.
• Jumonville, Neil. Critical Crossings: The New York Intellectuals in Postwar America. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.
• Levenstein, Lisa. A Movement Without Marches: African American Women and the Politics of Poverty in Postwar Philadelphia. Chapel Colina: University of N Carolina Printing, 2009.
• May, Elaine Tyler. Homeward Jump: American Families in the Common cold War Era. New York: Bones Books, 1988.
• McGirr, Lisa. Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Academy Press, 2001.
• Ngai, Mae. Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modernistic America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003.
• Patterson, James T. Thousand Expectations: The The states, 1945–1974. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.
• Roberts, Gene, and Hank Klibanoff. The Race Beat: The Press, the Ceremonious Rights Struggle, and the Enkindling of a Nation. New York: Knopf, 2006.
• Self, Robert. American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Academy Press, 2005.
• Sugrue, Thomas. The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005.
• Von Eschen, Penny. Satchmo Blows Upwards the World: Jazz Ambassadors Play the Cold War. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004.
• Wagnleitner, Reinhold. Coca-Colonization and the Common cold State of war: The Cultural Mission of the United States in Austria Subsequently the Second World War. Chapel Colina: University of North Carolina Press, 1994.
• Wall, Wendy. Inventing the "American Mode": The Politics of Consensus from the New Deal to the Civil Rights Movement. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.
• Whitfield, Stephen. The Civilisation of the Cold War. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Printing, 1991.

Notes

1. John Kenneth Galbraith, The Affluent Society (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1958), 129. [↩]
2. See, for example, Claudia Goldin and Robert A. Margo, "The Great Compression: The Wage Construction in the United States at Mid-Century," Quarterly Periodical of Economics 107 (February 1992), ane–34. [↩]
3. Price Fishback, Jonathan Rose, and Kenneth Snowden, Well Worth Saving: How the New Deal Safeguarded Home Ownership (Chicago: University of Chicago Printing, 2013). [↩]
4. Leo Schnore, "The Growth of Metropolitan Suburbs," American Sociological Review 22 (April 1957), 169. [↩]
5. Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumers' Democracy: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America (New York: Random Firm, 2002), 202. [↩]
6. Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold State of war Era (New York, Basic Books, 1999), 152. [↩]
7. Leo Fishman, The American Economy (Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand, 1962), 560. [↩]
8. John P. Diggins, The Proud Decades: America in State of war and in Peace, 1941–1960 (New York: Norton, 1989), 219. [↩]
9. David Kushner, Levittown: Two Families, One Tycoon, and the Fight for Ceremonious Rights in America's Legendary Suburb (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2009), 17. [↩]
10. Thomas Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Academy Press, 2005). [↩]
11. Becky M. Nicolaides, My Blue Heaven: Life and Politics in the Working–Class Suburbs of Los Angeles, 1920-1965 (Chicago: Academy of Chicago Printing, 2002), 193. [↩]
12. Adam W. Rome, The Bulldozer in the Countryside: Suburban Sprawl and the Rise of American Environmentalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 7. [↩]
13. See as well J. R. McNeill and Peter Engelke,The Slap-up Acceleration: An Environmental History of the Anthropocene (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Printing, 2016); Andrew Needham,Power Lines: Phoenix and the Making of the Mod Southwest(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014); and Ted Steinberg,Down to Earth: Nature'south Office in American History(New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). [↩]
14. Oliver Brown, et al. five. Board of Education of Topeka, et al., 347 U.S. 483 (1954). [↩]
15. James T. Patterson and William W. Freehling, Brown 5. Lath of Education: A Ceremonious Rights Milestone and Its Troubled Legacy (New York: Oxford Academy Press, 2001), 25; Pete Daniel, Standing at the Crossroads: Southern Life in the Twentieth Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 161–164. [↩]
16. Patterson and Freehling, Brown v. Board, xxv. [↩]
17. Charles T. Clotfelter, After Brown: The Rise and Retreat of School Desegregation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011), 6. [↩]
18. William Bradford Huie, "The Shocking Story of Approved Killing in Mississippi," Await (Jan 24, 1956), 46–50. [↩]
19. Lewis L. Gould, Watching Television Come of Age: The New York Times Reviews by Jack Gould (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002), 186. [↩]
20. Gary Edgerton, Columbia History of American Idiot box (New York: Columbia Academy Printing, 2009), 90. [↩]
21. Ibid., 178. [↩]
22. Christopher H. Sterling and John Michael Kittross, Stay Tuned: A History of American Broadcasting (New York: Routledge, 2001), 364. [↩]
23. Bruce Springsteen, "SXSW Keynote Address," Rolling Stone (March 28, 2012), http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/exclusive-the-complete-text-of-bruce-springsteens-sxsw-keynote-accost-20120328. [↩]
24. John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Printing, 2012), 102–103. [↩]
25. See Richard Tedlow, "The National Association of Manufacturers and Public Relations During the New Bargain," Business History Review 50 (Spring 1976), 25–45; and Wendy Wall, Inventing the "American Way": The Politics of Consensus from the New Deal to the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008). [↩]
26. Gregory Eow, "Fighting a New Deal: Intellectual Origins of the Reagan Revolution, 1932–1952," PhD diss., Rice University, 2007; Brian Doherty, Radicals for Capitalism: A Freewheeling History of the Modern American Libertarian Movement (New York: Public Affairs, 2007); and Kim Phillips Fein, Invisible Easily: The Businessmen'south Cause Against the New Deal (New York: Norton, 2009), 43–55. [↩]
27. Angus Burgin, The Great Persuasion: Reinventing Free Markets Since the Depression (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Printing, 2012); Jennifer Burns, Goddess of the Marketplace: Ayn Rand and the American Right (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009). [↩]
28. Allan J. Lichtman, White Protestant Nation: The Rise of the American Bourgeois Move (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2008), 180, 201, 185. [↩]
29. Steven Wagner, Eisenhower Republicanism Pursuing the Center Way (DeKalb: Northern Illinois Academy Press, 2006), xv. [↩]

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